Sun Jung is a PhD candidate at the University of Melbourne in Australia, currently researching―Global Korean Cinema and Transcultural Consumption. She also has previous professionalexperience as a reporter/journalist in the field of journalism as well as a scriptwriter for Koreanfilm productions.
(November 2006)
Bae Yong-Joon, Hybrid Masculinity & the Counter-coeval Desire of Japanese Female Fans (Part 6)
New Korean Masculinity, BYJ
BYJ’s Kang Joon-Sang character in Winter Sonata has changed many Japanese people’s perceptions of Korean men. A Korean women’s studies’ scholar Kim Eun-Shil, who is researching the effects of the Yon-sama syndrome on postcolonial relations between Japan and Korea, states: “to the Japanese, Korea used to be associated with images of the ‘dark, noisy and smelly,’ but now Yon-sama’s middle-aged fans associate Korea with ‘beautiful things’ and see Yon-sama as an idealized man” (Onishi 2004). In particular, it is evident from the result of research questionnaires that Japanese women’s perceptions of Korean men has changed from that of a previous uncivilized macho image to one that is highly idealized, such as BYJ. For the question “is BYJ’s character/image different from those pre-existing images of Korean men which you have seen from other movies, dramas or in your real lives?” among 56 participants, who answered this question, 46 participants answered “Yes”. Among them, 38 participants described the pre-existing Korean men’s images using negative expressions, such as “dark, scary, sly, aggressive and violent”. In particular, many of them use the word “scary”. Dan explained as follows:
“Before, they had scary images. After I knew BYJ, the images of Korean men have become better and I feel friendly towards them.”
Nan said “Previously [Korean men’s images were] violent and scary. But BYJ is tender, gentle and he takes his life seriously.”
According to the above quotes, since the Japanese fans were introduced to BYJ from Winter Sonata, their perception of Korean men has dramatically changed from a scary machismo to that of a tender gentleman. One of the participants, Kan, explains that these scary images are mostly from the media representations of “protesting students against the dictatorship during the 1980s”. Ba also points out that “some Korean middle-aged men I see in [television] dramas are quite bossy and they don’t treat women fairly”. As Kan and Ba described, the Japanese built up the pre-existing idea of Korean men through the media presented images. These negative images were represented mostly due to the historico-socio-political crisis and its source traces back to the Japanese occupation era.
During the 35 years of Japanese occupation, Korean people were exploited and Korean traditions, industries and culture were completely oppressed. Following the Liberation in August 1945, another traumatic historical event, the Korean War (1950-1953) further devastated Korea. Due to these national tragedies, Koreans have always has been portrayed as a poor and filthy people, living in a dirty and undeveloped country. In particular as a neighbouring country and a former colonial empire, Japan has always treated Korea as an inferior country with a second-rate culture. An article in the Wall Street Journal describes this prejudicial view towards Korea:
(But) in Japan the Korea craze is particularly surprising, because it has gripped a generation that has never shown much interest in Japan’s nearest neighbor. Japan’s colonial rule in Korea, from 1910 to 1945, left some now-older Japanese conflicted about the country or dismissive of it. For decades, many Japanese looked down on Koreans as inferior both racially and economically. (Fuyuno 2004)
This article points out that the old generation, who were born during the period of Japanese occupation, has changed its point of view after the advent of BYJ. Most of these fans express their surprise at seeing a new Korean male image, in the form of the tender and soft BYJ. How, then, this new Korean masculinity has been created and why this is well resonated especially with the Japanese female fans? For this, I will explain the kkon-mi-nam syndrome in Korea within the framework of the popularity of mu-kuk-jok pretty boy images in the region.
Asia’s shared imagination, Mu-kuk-jok kkon-mi-nam BYJ
According to my field research, along with his ‘noble’ smile and “well-mannered” attitudes such as politeness, BYJ’s feminine “pretty” face seems to appeal to Japanese middle-aged female viewers the most. In this manner, he is often described as so called a kkon-mi-nam star. The literary meaning of kkon-mi-nam is a ‘flowery pretty boy’. Kkon-mi-nam refers to pretty looking, with smooth fair skin, silky hair and a feminine manner. Originally starting from Japanese shojo manga (Korean term sunjeong manhwa), the pretty boy images have been repeatedly produced in the Korean entertainment industry since the late 1990s. Television commercials, dramas and billboards have glorified pretty boys. A scholar of Korean literature, Kim Yong Hee explains that “the kkon-mi-nam syndrome is developed from a consequence of deconstruction and hybridization of female/male sexual identities rather than males merely becoming feminized” (2003: 104). She argues that the new mixed sexual identity, in the postmodernist popular culture, increases the hallucinated imagination and satisfies the complex human desire (2003: 104). According to Kim, a kkon-mi-nam fulfils a complex human (especially female) desire, which macho men are deficient in. The phenomenon declares that the era of the machismo male has passed and the epoch of the new hybrid masculinity has arrived. This is well explained in the trend of transcultural mixtures of male star sexuality in Asian countries; J-pop Bishonen bands such as SMAP, Arashi and winds; K-pop boy groups such as HOT, Shinhwa and Dongbangshinki and Taiwanese boy bands such as F4. Specifically the kkon-mi-nam images of male Korean stars are the embodiment of hybridized Asian pop cultural icons. The above listed Asian male pop-stars share the images of the hybridized masculinity of girl-like prettiness. Due to these similar feminine images, it is almost impossible to recognize their nationalities by their appearances. This is, I argue, because of a mu-kuk-jok (non-nationalistic) trait which has appeared as a result of the Asian transcultural flows of various pop-cultures and pop-cultural products.
BYJ’s pretty boy image
Asian pretty boy pop-stars possibly can be described as a globalized, transcultural and non-nationalistic (mu-kuk-jok) product. The Korean term mu-kuk-jok means ‘no nationality’ which implies no particular national taste or odour, i.e. culturally odourless as Iwabuchi suggests (2002: 27). BYJ’s image is actively accepted in other Asian countries because it reflects the ‘odourless’ aspect of a mu-kuk-jok pretty boy. This can be also explained Appadurai’s term mediascape which recognises the media’s capabilities to produce and disseminate information and images through transcultural flows (1996: 35). He also suggests the concept of “shared imagination” to explain non-nationalistic sentiments, arguing: “part of what the mass media make[s] possible, because of the conditions of collective reading, criticism, and pleasure, is what I [have] called … a “community of sentiment”, a group that begins to imagine and feel things together” (1996: 8). What Appadurai claims here is that collective experiences through the mass media can create ‘sodalities’ of worship and taste. Likewise transcultural media influence between various Asian countries creates odourless – culturally acceptable – presentation of pretty boys. The consequences of mediascapes, various pop-cultural flows, cultural mixing and metamorphosis all combine to create the odourless and mu-kuk-jok image of the pan-Asian pretty boy. I argue that BYJ is popular amongst Japanese audiences due to his odourless kkon-mi-nam image. This image is culturally acceptable in Japan, because it shares similarities with shojo manga’s pretty teen boys or J-pop Bishonen bands. BYJ’s hybrid masculinity is a localized form of regional feminine masculinity. Therefore the Japanese audiences can readily desire BYJ’s hybridized masculinity as they are already used to the regionally circulated pretty boy images. The mu-kuk-jok hybridized masculinity of BYJ as a result of the transcultural flows is one of the driving forces behind the Yon-sama syndrome in Japan, and it is based on the geographical familiarity – “spatial proximity” – between the two countries. Another significant impetus is Japan’s nostalgic desire for their “past” which BYJ’s polite body signifies. This implies that there is a “temporal lag” between the two countries.
To be Continue...Part 7
(November 2006)
Bae Yong-Joon, Hybrid Masculinity & the Counter-coeval Desire of Japanese Female Fans (Part 6)
New Korean Masculinity, BYJ
BYJ’s Kang Joon-Sang character in Winter Sonata has changed many Japanese people’s perceptions of Korean men. A Korean women’s studies’ scholar Kim Eun-Shil, who is researching the effects of the Yon-sama syndrome on postcolonial relations between Japan and Korea, states: “to the Japanese, Korea used to be associated with images of the ‘dark, noisy and smelly,’ but now Yon-sama’s middle-aged fans associate Korea with ‘beautiful things’ and see Yon-sama as an idealized man” (Onishi 2004). In particular, it is evident from the result of research questionnaires that Japanese women’s perceptions of Korean men has changed from that of a previous uncivilized macho image to one that is highly idealized, such as BYJ. For the question “is BYJ’s character/image different from those pre-existing images of Korean men which you have seen from other movies, dramas or in your real lives?” among 56 participants, who answered this question, 46 participants answered “Yes”. Among them, 38 participants described the pre-existing Korean men’s images using negative expressions, such as “dark, scary, sly, aggressive and violent”. In particular, many of them use the word “scary”. Dan explained as follows:
“Before, they had scary images. After I knew BYJ, the images of Korean men have become better and I feel friendly towards them.”
Nan said “Previously [Korean men’s images were] violent and scary. But BYJ is tender, gentle and he takes his life seriously.”
According to the above quotes, since the Japanese fans were introduced to BYJ from Winter Sonata, their perception of Korean men has dramatically changed from a scary machismo to that of a tender gentleman. One of the participants, Kan, explains that these scary images are mostly from the media representations of “protesting students against the dictatorship during the 1980s”. Ba also points out that “some Korean middle-aged men I see in [television] dramas are quite bossy and they don’t treat women fairly”. As Kan and Ba described, the Japanese built up the pre-existing idea of Korean men through the media presented images. These negative images were represented mostly due to the historico-socio-political crisis and its source traces back to the Japanese occupation era.
During the 35 years of Japanese occupation, Korean people were exploited and Korean traditions, industries and culture were completely oppressed. Following the Liberation in August 1945, another traumatic historical event, the Korean War (1950-1953) further devastated Korea. Due to these national tragedies, Koreans have always has been portrayed as a poor and filthy people, living in a dirty and undeveloped country. In particular as a neighbouring country and a former colonial empire, Japan has always treated Korea as an inferior country with a second-rate culture. An article in the Wall Street Journal describes this prejudicial view towards Korea:
(But) in Japan the Korea craze is particularly surprising, because it has gripped a generation that has never shown much interest in Japan’s nearest neighbor. Japan’s colonial rule in Korea, from 1910 to 1945, left some now-older Japanese conflicted about the country or dismissive of it. For decades, many Japanese looked down on Koreans as inferior both racially and economically. (Fuyuno 2004)
This article points out that the old generation, who were born during the period of Japanese occupation, has changed its point of view after the advent of BYJ. Most of these fans express their surprise at seeing a new Korean male image, in the form of the tender and soft BYJ. How, then, this new Korean masculinity has been created and why this is well resonated especially with the Japanese female fans? For this, I will explain the kkon-mi-nam syndrome in Korea within the framework of the popularity of mu-kuk-jok pretty boy images in the region.
Asia’s shared imagination, Mu-kuk-jok kkon-mi-nam BYJ
According to my field research, along with his ‘noble’ smile and “well-mannered” attitudes such as politeness, BYJ’s feminine “pretty” face seems to appeal to Japanese middle-aged female viewers the most. In this manner, he is often described as so called a kkon-mi-nam star. The literary meaning of kkon-mi-nam is a ‘flowery pretty boy’. Kkon-mi-nam refers to pretty looking, with smooth fair skin, silky hair and a feminine manner. Originally starting from Japanese shojo manga (Korean term sunjeong manhwa), the pretty boy images have been repeatedly produced in the Korean entertainment industry since the late 1990s. Television commercials, dramas and billboards have glorified pretty boys. A scholar of Korean literature, Kim Yong Hee explains that “the kkon-mi-nam syndrome is developed from a consequence of deconstruction and hybridization of female/male sexual identities rather than males merely becoming feminized” (2003: 104). She argues that the new mixed sexual identity, in the postmodernist popular culture, increases the hallucinated imagination and satisfies the complex human desire (2003: 104). According to Kim, a kkon-mi-nam fulfils a complex human (especially female) desire, which macho men are deficient in. The phenomenon declares that the era of the machismo male has passed and the epoch of the new hybrid masculinity has arrived. This is well explained in the trend of transcultural mixtures of male star sexuality in Asian countries; J-pop Bishonen bands such as SMAP, Arashi and winds; K-pop boy groups such as HOT, Shinhwa and Dongbangshinki and Taiwanese boy bands such as F4. Specifically the kkon-mi-nam images of male Korean stars are the embodiment of hybridized Asian pop cultural icons. The above listed Asian male pop-stars share the images of the hybridized masculinity of girl-like prettiness. Due to these similar feminine images, it is almost impossible to recognize their nationalities by their appearances. This is, I argue, because of a mu-kuk-jok (non-nationalistic) trait which has appeared as a result of the Asian transcultural flows of various pop-cultures and pop-cultural products.
BYJ’s pretty boy image
Asian pretty boy pop-stars possibly can be described as a globalized, transcultural and non-nationalistic (mu-kuk-jok) product. The Korean term mu-kuk-jok means ‘no nationality’ which implies no particular national taste or odour, i.e. culturally odourless as Iwabuchi suggests (2002: 27). BYJ’s image is actively accepted in other Asian countries because it reflects the ‘odourless’ aspect of a mu-kuk-jok pretty boy. This can be also explained Appadurai’s term mediascape which recognises the media’s capabilities to produce and disseminate information and images through transcultural flows (1996: 35). He also suggests the concept of “shared imagination” to explain non-nationalistic sentiments, arguing: “part of what the mass media make[s] possible, because of the conditions of collective reading, criticism, and pleasure, is what I [have] called … a “community of sentiment”, a group that begins to imagine and feel things together” (1996: 8). What Appadurai claims here is that collective experiences through the mass media can create ‘sodalities’ of worship and taste. Likewise transcultural media influence between various Asian countries creates odourless – culturally acceptable – presentation of pretty boys. The consequences of mediascapes, various pop-cultural flows, cultural mixing and metamorphosis all combine to create the odourless and mu-kuk-jok image of the pan-Asian pretty boy. I argue that BYJ is popular amongst Japanese audiences due to his odourless kkon-mi-nam image. This image is culturally acceptable in Japan, because it shares similarities with shojo manga’s pretty teen boys or J-pop Bishonen bands. BYJ’s hybrid masculinity is a localized form of regional feminine masculinity. Therefore the Japanese audiences can readily desire BYJ’s hybridized masculinity as they are already used to the regionally circulated pretty boy images. The mu-kuk-jok hybridized masculinity of BYJ as a result of the transcultural flows is one of the driving forces behind the Yon-sama syndrome in Japan, and it is based on the geographical familiarity – “spatial proximity” – between the two countries. Another significant impetus is Japan’s nostalgic desire for their “past” which BYJ’s polite body signifies. This implies that there is a “temporal lag” between the two countries.
To be Continue...Part 7
Notation :
Just for Ph.D Candidate in
- Political Science
- Political Science
[International Relationship /Foreign Affairs /Political Analysis/
Pilosophy & Social Science/ Political Economy/ Political Sociology ]
Pilosophy & Social Science/ Political Economy/ Political Sociology ]
- Mass Communication
- Culture and Theory
... Paper research abuot Mr.Bae Yong Joon...
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